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Somali migrants in Libya don’t want to go home



WASHINGTON — Somali government efforts to evacuate a large number of Somali migrants from Libya hit a snag after the delegation sent there was unable to persuade migrants to abandon the dangerous sea journey to Europe and instead return to Somalia.

Members of the delegation say the migrants have told them they have suffered during the journey to Libya and feel that they have “nothing else to lose.” Officials say the migrants are determined to make a final attempt to reach European shores.

The delegation arrived in Tripoli Monday, and its members say they have visited detention camps and received some migrants at the Somalia embassy, but so far only 11 people have expressed an interest in returning to Somalia. The number of Somalis who have migrated to Libya is estimated to be between 5,000-6,000, officials say.

While the vast majority of the Somali migrants in Libya are being held in areas controlled by militias that were too dangerous for the delegation to visit, nonetheless they say the majority of the people they have met made it clear that they don’t fear taking more risks to reach Europe.

False hope

Mariam Yassin is the Special Envoy for Migrants and Children’s Rights of Somalia and was among the delegation. She says lack of access to many of the Somali migrants is a factor, as they are held in areas not controlled by the Libyan government. But the main the reason given by people for not returning, she says, is that migrants are desperate to reach Europe.

“I met this woman who said, I was here in Libya for less than two years, I spent $18,000, I’m not going back to my mum with nothing, I’m not going back,’” Yassin explained.

She says the proximity between Libya and Europe gives people false hope. From Tripoli the lights of Lampedusa, Italy, are visible, and that gives migrants hope that they can reach Europe.

“They say they have suffered enough and want to take the last chance,” Yassin told VOA Somali.

Yassin said when migrants are told that there are alternatives to the risk, and that they could have the same life in their own country, there is a doubt in their eyes that the risk they are taking is not worth it, but they are determined to reach their target.

“We can’t force them, but we’ll give them awareness and encouragement to return,” Yassin says.

Beatings, torture

When the Somali delegation arrived in Tripoli on Monday, they met several Somalis who lived in terrible conditions, having just been released by the smugglers.

One of the men released said he was beaten on his back, chest and legs. He was shaking and said one of his eyes lost sight. But when the Somali Ambassador to the European Union Ali Said Faqi offered him the chance to return, the man who could barely speak grinned and said, “Insha Allah, I will either return or continue my ambition, it will be one of those.”

Ahmed Abdikarim Nur, commissioner of refugees and internally displaced persons of the Somali government said 99 percent of the people who are traveling are young people, and the youngsters are particularly reluctant to go back.

“They feel they spent all their parent’s wealth, and possibly they did not tell their parents when they started traveling to Libya, so they feel they have nowhere to return to, they are traumatized,” he said.

Unaccompanied children

Yassin was particularly documenting the situation of unaccompanied children who are willing to return. She said she only persuaded two of them, one 16 years old and the other 17. They have been in Libya for a year and half. She said both were traumatized and would not give a lot of information about their ordeal.

“I tried to speak to the 16 year old but he said, ‘Let us talk on the way to Somalia,’” she said.

The other teenager showed a bit more composure and told the Somali officials that they were tortured while in the hands of smugglers and traffickers.

“They are woken up in the morning, their day starts with insults [by smugglers], they are taken out, beaten, they use electric shocks on their legs, they are sprayed with water and are starved,” she said. “Some vomit blood because of the beating, some die.”

She said the case of the unaccompanied children is particularly worrying. She said some of the children lie about their ages so that the International Organization of Migration and UNHCR won’t identify them and contact their families to get permission to put them under their special protection.

If they are identified as minors and the organizations contact their families they will have no chance of boarding those boats, they don’t want that to happen so they lie about their age,” Yassin said.

Greater risks

Commissioner Nur says the risks people are taking are “beyond imagination.”

“First of all there is no certainty that when they leave Somalia they will reach here Tripoli alive,” he said. “Even if they reach, it will be after they have been sold and resold two or three times like an animal, they will have been beaten, they will have lost their well-being, dignity and possibly their lives.”

While the Somali delegation members were in Libya, a migrant truck flipped over near Bani Walid town Wednesday killing more than 20 migrants mainly from Somalia and Eritrea. One of the Somali migrants who had been held in Bani Walid said he knew many of the migrants traveling in the truck.

He said he knew at least seven Somalis who died in the incident. He said 260 migrants were on board the truck when it flipped over. He said he was told the death toll is higher than reported by media.

As the delegation appealed to the Somali migrants to take the chance to go home, the beaten man they met at the Embassy was still uncommitted about returning.

Somali News

Somalis unhappy with new sales tax



The government instituted a five percent sales tax, the first in nearly 30 years, as part of the conditions set by the IMF to relieve Somalia’s debt burden.

Going to a restaurant in Somalia has become more expensive, and customers don’t like it.

They’re angry at the government imposing a five percent sales tax, the first for nearly thirty years.

The tax is a key condition of the International Monetary Fund to relieve Somalia’s debts.

Al Jazeera’s Mohammed Adow reports from Mogadishu, Somalia.

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Briefing Room

A Child Dies, a Child Lives: Why Somalia Drought Is Not Another Famine



DOLLOW, Somalia (Reuters) – At the height of Somalia’s 2011 famine, Madow Mohamed had to leave her crippled five-year-old son Abdirahman by the side of the road to lead her eight other starving children toward help.
When she returned to search for him, she found only a grave. He was among the 260,000 Somalis who perished.

“You can never forget leaving your child to die,” she says, wiping away tears at the memory seven years later. “It is a hell that does not end.”

This time, the drought has been harsher. Three seasons of rains have failed, instead of two. But none of Mohamed’s other children have died – and the overall death toll, although unknown, is far lower. The United Nations has documented just over 1,000 deaths, mostly from drinking dirty water.


Earlier donor intervention, less interference by a weakened Islamist insurgency, a stronger Somali government and greater access for aid workers have been crucial.

Another reason is that aid agencies are shifting from giving out food to cash – a less wasteful form of aid that donors such as Canada, Europe and Australia have embraced, although the United States still has restrictions on food aid.

The U.S. Congress will debate a move toward cash-based aid this year when lawmakers vote on a new Farm Bill. Christopher Barrett, an expert on food aid at Cornell University, is one of many scholars, politicians and aid agencies demanding reform.

“A conservative estimate is that we sacrifice roughly 40,000 children’s lives annually because of antiquated food aid policies,” he told Congress in November.


In 2011, a few donors gave out cash in Somalia, but the World Food Programme only gave out food. It was often hijacked by warlords or pirates, or rotted under tarpaulins as trucks sat at roadblocks.

Starving families had to trek for days through the desert to reach distribution points. Their route became so littered with children’s corpses it was called “the Road of Death”.

Now, more than 70 percent of WFP aid in Somalia is cash, much of it distributed via mobile phones. More than 50 other charities are also giving out cash: each month Mohamed receives $65 from the Italian aid group Coopi to spend as she wants: milk, medicine, food or school fees.

Cash has many advantages over food aid if markets are functioning. It’s invisible, so less likely to be stolen. It’s mobile so families can move or stay put.
WFP said it gave out $134 million directly to Somali families to spend at local shops last year.

“We … basically gave confidence to the market to stay active,” said Laurent Bukera, head of WFP Somalia.

And money is more efficient than bags of food: in Somalia, cash aid means 80 cents in every $1 goes directly to the family, rather than 60 cents from food aid, said Calum McLean, the cash expert at the European Union’s humanitarian aid department.

Cash might have saved little Abdirahman.

“I could have stayed in my village if I had had cash. There was some food in the markets. It was expensive, but if you had money, there was food to buy,” Mohamed said sadly.


Aid groups have been experimenting with cash for two decades but McLean says the idea took off five years ago as the Syrian civil war propelled millions of refugees into countries with solid banking systems.

Donors have adapted. Six years ago, five percent of the EU’s humanitarian aid budget was cash distributions. Today, it is more than a third.

Most of the initial cost lies in setting up the database and the distribution system. After that, adding more recipients is cheap, McLean said. Amounts can be easily adjusted depending on the level of need or funding.

“Cash distributions also becomes cheaper the larger scale you do it,” he said.

Most U.S. international food assistance is delivered by USAID’s Food for Peace Office, which had a budget of $3.6 billion in 2017.

Just under half those funds came through U.S. Farm Bill Title II appropriations, which stipulate that most food must be bought from American farmers. The U.S. Cargo Preference Act requires that half of this be shipped on U.S.-flagged vessels.

Despite these restrictions, Food for Peace increased cash and voucher programs from 3 percent of the budget in 2011 to 20 percent last year.

But sourcing food aid in the United States is expensive and wasteful, said Barrett, who oversaw a study that found buying grain close to an emergency was half the price and 14 weeks faster. Arguments that food aid supported U.S. farmers or mariners were largely false, he said.


Aid groups use different systems to distribute cash, but most assess families, then register them in a biometric database, usually via fingerprints. Cash is distributed using bank cards or mobile phones or as vouchers.

Some charities place no restrictions on the cash; others, like WFP, stipulate it can only be spent at certain shops with registered shopkeepers.

In Dollow, the dusty town on the Ethiopian border where Mohamed lives with her surviving children, families say the cash has transformed their lives.

Gacalo Aden Hashi, a young mother whose name means “sweetheart”, remembers trudging past two dead children in 2011 on her way to get help. A third was alive but dying, she said, and her weakened family had to press on.

When she arrived at the camp, men were stealing food aid to give to their families, she said.

“Men were punching each other in line every time at food distributions,” she said. “Sometimes you would be sitting and suddenly your food would be taken by some strong young man.”

Now, she says, no one can steal her money – Coopi uses a system that requires a PIN to withdraw money. Most of her cash goes on food but with a group of other women she saved enough to open a small stall.

“The cash may end, but this business will not,” she said.


Cash won’t work everywhere. In South Sudan, where famine briefly hit two counties last year, the civil war shut markets, forcing aid agencies to bring in food by plane and truck.

Sending cash to areas hit by earthquakes would drive up prices. But in a drought, where livelihoods have collapsed but infrastructure is intact, cash transfers are ideal, experts say.

Some problems remain. There’s often little co-ordination among donors – for instance, there are seven separate databases in Somalia, said McLean, and monthly stipends can vary widely.

In Uganda, authorities are investigating reports of fraud after the government used its own biometric registration system for refugees.

And if there’s no clean water or health service available, then refugees can’t spend money buying water or medicine.

But most scholars agree that switching to more cash aid would save more lives, a 2016 briefing paper by the Congressional Research Service concluded.

(Additional reporting by George Obulutsa; Writing by Katharine Houreld; Editing by Giles Elgood)

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Anglo-Turkish Genel Energy might starting drilling in Somaliland in 2019 -CEO



LONDON, March 22 (Reuters) – Kurdistan-focused Genel Energy might start drilling in Somaliland next year, Chief Executive Murat Ozgul said on Thursday, as the group reported 2017 results broadly in line with expectations.

“For the long term, I really like (our) Somaliland exploration assets. It’s giving me a sense of Kurdistan 15 years ago,” Ozgul said in a phone interview. “In 2019 we may be (starting) the drilling activities.”

Chief Financial Officer Esa Ikaheimonen said Genel will focus spending money from its $162 million cash pile on its existing assets in Kurdistan but added: “You might see us finding opportunities… somewhere outside Kurdistan.”

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