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How Federalism Can Work in Somalia

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Yusuf M. Hassan is a Somali-American journalist, political and media analyst, and communications adviser.

To restore unity, Somali federal and state leaders need to cooperate and work together for the interest of the country as a whole.

The October 14 bombing that killed over 400 people, mostly civilians, near Mogadishu’s busy Zoppe Square was the single worst attack in East Africa since the armed insurgency erupted in Somalia in 2006. The harrowing attack became another agonizing testament to the country’s prolonged and ruthless conflict, the unresolved security vulnerabilities and the weak institutions of the Federal Government of Somalia. It was, also, a passing moment of national unity, as Somalis from all regions and walks of life rushed to aid recovering victims. That momentum of solidarity, however, was short-lived. Within days, infighting within government institutions was underway — business as usual.

In a country where 70% of the population is under 35, entire generations of Somalis have become accustomed to a nation without a government. When the state collapsed in 1991, two decades of lawlessness and conflict followed. Violence became commonplace, social relations were torn and the economy foundered. In 2012, at the end of a 12-year political process, the federal government was formed following the first election held in Somalia since 1969.

By 2017, the country’s first-ever bicameral federal parliament was formed. Then, at parliament’s first joint session in Mogadishu in February, Somali legislators elected a former prime minister, Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, also known as Farmajo, as the new president of Somalia.

It was the culmination of a long, arduous procedure. Observers noted that the electoral process was flawed, characterized by corruption allegations and vote buying. However, after Mohamed was declared victor, the widespread jubilation in Mogadishu and other cities surprised many. It was significantly indicative of the electoral outcome’s legitimacy and popular support and of the people’s aspirations for a better future under what many hoped to be a patriotic national leadership.

MANDATE TO LEAD

The new government came to power with a strong mandate to lead; the nation had suffered for far too long, and it was time for change. The incoming government recognized the monumental task that lay ahead: restoring peace and national cohesion in Somalia, after decades of fragmentation. Still, the new government’s pronounced vision decidedly focused on fighting terrorism, corruption and poverty, yet it was not clear how that was to be done.

Like its predecessors, however, the government led by President Mohamed and the political newcomer, Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khaire, is struggling to regularly pay salaries, adequately manage the federal structure or contain disputes among the political class. This has ensured that the government remains distracted from working on federalization, economic recovery or the much-needed security and justice reforms.

Even more troubling, the new administration seems to have followed the path of its predecessor, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. It wasted time and resources attempting to shape the state formation process through political manipulation and direct interference. In Jubaland, for example, such interference led to armed clashes in Kismayo in June 2013 and, in Galmudug, to the election of Abdikarim Hussein Guled, then-President Mohamud’s close associate.

The Khaire administration should learn from mistakes of its former government. The outcome could be more political tensions exacerbating fragile conditions and derailing the country’s hard-earned political transition. To maintain public support, the administration will depend on whether or not the government enacts sound policies and corrective action without which it remains a weak, self-defeating and underperforming institution, dashing public hopes after election euphoria.

NEUTRALITY IN REGIONAL CRISIS

For generations, world and regional powers have vied for power and influence in Somalia due to the country’s strategic location connecting the Indian Ocean region, the Middle East and East Africa. With untapped natural resources, the country is a key regional security pillar and has great potential for investment and economic development.

In June 2017, when the Gulf crisis pitted a Saudi and UAE-led coalition against the state of Qatar, Somalia’s federal government announced its neutral position and called for regional dialogue to resolve the diplomatic crisis. The decision provoked regional states to contradict the federal government’s official position. State leaders argued they had a right to be consulted on major national decisions, and that the federal government violated the draft constitution by alienating regional voices. Needless to say, the regional states’ unilateral decisions bewildered the Somali public.

For the Somali government, the Gulf crisis was an opportunity to articulate its federalism strategy and foreign policy priorities. Such a strategy could help consolidate its domestic authority while augmenting its international stature. Instead, when Mogadishu unilaterally declared its position, it unwittingly instigated a domestic political row. Leading a fragmented and war-ravaged nation, the Somali government’s primary goal should be to build consensus around a national interest and recognition that such a feat requires the cooperation and input of the regional states.

FEDERALIZING SOMALIA

Federal institutions and the regions have not agreed on a model to complete the federal system. The draft constitution is notorious for its vague stipulations, and both the federal government and the regions have misused the constitution to justify policies or frustrate the federalization process.

The constitutional review process has faced delays and is often associated with committees that work in secrecy. State governments have demanded a transparent constitutional process, which builds political trust and is vital to a fragile state rebuilding its democratic foundations. Particularly, roles and responsibilities between the Somali government, parliament and state governments in political negotiations remain undefined, often shrouded in controversy or locked in dispute. For example, will the prime minister and the state presidents negotiate directly, or will federal and state parliament subcommittees have an active role in federal-state negotiations?

Political friction between Mogadishu and the regions continues to be high, sabotaging the federalization process. Most recently, on October 10, five regional presidents issued a 16-point communiqué in Kismayo. Without any federal officials present, it was clear that the meeting was an effort to isolate the federal government. In late October 2017, President Mohamed invited the state presidents to Mogadishu for a week of talks. In theory, the two sides seem to have agreed on key principles. However, without a harmonized federal arrangement and an agreed model for power and resource sharing, similar deadlock cannot be prevented in the near future.

COOPERATIVE FEDERALISM

Article 54 of the draft constitution grants the federal government power in matters of foreign affairs, national defense, citizenship and immigration, and monetary policy. But the constitution envisions a form of cooperative federalism (as opposed to dual federalism) where power and institutional balance is harmonized between the center and the periphery. Such a system largely relies on consensus-building leaders at all levels of government.

The Somali government’s unilateral decision and lack of consultation with the states undermines that spirit of cooperation. The constitutional requirement of federal-state consultations forms the basis for preventing a return to the tyranny of centralized rule, while an incomplete federalization process, unaddressed community reconciliation and lagging security and political integration define the constitution’s realpolitik considerations.

Conversely, the regions’ contradicting the federal government’s Gulf crisis policy undermines national unity and reconciliation efforts. There are other political and institutional avenues whereby the states could express their dissenting voices, including through a federal parliament or judicial process.

FOUNDATIONS OF SECURITY

Somalia’s complex security challenges cannot be addressed solely through police action and military offensives. The Somali government needs security cooperation and coordination with state governments, while ensuring tangible commitment to building the foundations of security: community reconciliation, equality under law and institutional and socioeconomic balance.

Facing the burden of geopolitics, the government’s decision to stay neutral in an international dispute was a positive move. But Somalia should benefit from its foreign policy decisions: think trade deals, investment and economic incentives. The government must balance between its foreign policy interests and local concerns. The practice of consultations and consensus building prior to making decisions affecting specific regional states’ economic interests will create trust and prevent future political crises.

Finally, there must be genuine political will — especially among the federal and state leaders — to cooperate and work together for the interest of the Somali nation. This is, perhaps, the most difficult task. It is also the only way Somalia can restore unity, confront security vulnerabilities and bolster national governance.

This article was previously published on The Fair Observer

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Opinion

UN Monitoring Group Report: Somalia’s Political Spoilers, Senator Omar Abdirashid Sharmaake

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Abdihafid Mahamud Jama

As the recent United Nations Monitoring Group published its yearly comprehensive report on Somalia, the assessment made within the report and its overall findings is helpful, Ford – ward looking and provides a framework which to build on for Somalia’s on- going recovery. This report is to be welcomed and applauded for its widespread investigative sources and content, which should form part of Somalia’s, recovery, peace and stability.

Having read through the report it is still unfortunate there are a number of individuals with influence that receive tribal militia protection who are sighted by the UNMG as individuals who are an obstacle to peace and stability in Somalia.
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As a social activist and a Broadcaster in the diaspora who yearns for progress and stability in Somalia, I would like to formally request the UN Monitoring Group to turn their attention to Somalia’s former Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid Sharmake and his cohorts for promoting instability and chaos in Somalia’s affairs (regional states). The Federal Government structure is still fragile and the last thing Somalia needs are more political spoilers who seem to be advancing the interest of other nations or interest groups hell bent on fragmenting the Federal unity of Somalia in pursuit of their own foreign policy goals. This is to be discouraged as the international community has invested heavily politically and economically in Somalia. To have political spoilers who enjoy immunity as parliamentarians is counterproductive to peace and stability.

The Somali money transfer companies and other companies still remain a key role in delivering economic growth and assisting humanitarian support. They continue to remain the live line for the Somali economy and the ability of the Somali diaspora to send much needed financial support for their families in Somalia. Having faced many challenges abroad through bank account closures, they are still resilient and are by majority is still effective means of sustaining the lives of millions of Somali citizens, home and abroad.

However, there are also a number of major Somali Money Transfer companies and other business entities who pay “extortionate form of taxation” to Alshabaab, which is wholly unacceptable and counterproductive to fighting terrorism. I would like to also bring this issue to the UN Monitoring Group for their consideration in the next reporting from Somalia. This is an open secret that needs urgent attention and action from the international community and Somali government. If we are all honest and serious about preventing terrorism financing and violent extremism together, we ought to turn our attention to these substantial issues, which is a hindrance to Somalia’s security and stability. To put it simply, the recent horrific double terrorism attack in Mogadishu Zoope and Nasa Hablood Hotel where we have lost over 500 innocent citizens would not have taken place without the availability of solid financial support for Alshabaab. We are already counting the cost and we should not continue to tolerate this anymore.

Somalia Former Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke Nairobi April 23, 2015.

As the UN Monitoring Group noted “finally, the overall magnitude of illicit exports of charcoal from southern Somalia remains similar to previous levels. In contrast to much of 2015 and 2016, when Al-Shabaab intermittently banned the charcoal trade in areas under its control, the group has resumed systematic taxation of charcoal at checkpoints between stockpiles and the ports at Buur Gaabo and Kismayo. A conservative estimate suggests that Al-Shabaab receives at least $10 million each year from the illicit charcoal trade. Dubai, United Arab Emirates, continues to be the primary export destination as well as a hub for criminal networks that violate the charcoal ban with near impunity. With the notable exception of Kuwait, implementation of the charcoal ban has been poor, particularly by the Interim Jubba Administration and the African Union Mission in Somalia, and the United Arab Emirates among importing countries. A lack of commitment with regard to the consistent implementation of sanctions, and in some cases a conspicuously deliberate failure to comply with the charcoal ban, facilitates Al-Shabaab financing and undermines counter-terrorism efforts in Somalia“ page 7 UNMG Report

The above information is also a grim reading as the UNMG report refers to the United Arab Emirates as a country turning a blind eye to charcoals sales by Alshabaab entering their country, indirectly aiding or abating the profits of Alshabaab. Under this context, it is essential for the UNMG to start focusing on individuals such as Omar Abdirashid Sharmake and nations without fear or favour in the next UNMG formal report to the Security Council. It is my view that without concrete consistent approach to Somalia by the international community, Somalia’s recovery will be hampered and slow. This is not in the best interest of Somalia and the international community. Therefore, the UNMG should consider bolder sanctions/actions and recommendation to discourage future political spoilers. Somalia is recovering and a fragile state, and should not be utilised for geo-politics purposes. More than ever, it needs political, economic, and legal and security protection from the United Nations Security Council in order to see through the reforms needed to rekindle the Somali nation again. To do otherwise, I fear history will determine the International Community were also part and parcel of Somalia’s problems.

By Abdihafid Mahamud Jama
London England
Email [email protected]

United Nations Monitoring Group Report: Somalia

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Opinion

Somalia: Being in a Rock and a Hard Place

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Written by: Abdi Musse
Somali Scholar, commentator of global geopolitics.

Somalia’s geographical location

From the era of Egyptian pharaohs the geographical location of Somalia was very important for many reasons; including, the strategy and the close proximity of Gulf of Aden, which for many years was a trading hub interested by many powers.

European colonialist quickly recognized the important of Somali’s geographical location followed by the cold war tit for tat game played by the East-led by Russia and the West-led by USA.

Current situation

Too many interests and hidden agendas arose from the civil war and the anarchy Somalia endured for the past 26 or so years, which led foreign actors and neighbouring countries to exert huge emphasis to dominate Somalia politics by meddling it’s affairs inside out.

These competing interests surely confuse both the average Somali person as well as the Somali politicians who neither holds the leverage of leading the country into the right direction nor have the financial and institutional capability to perform any real politic. The former is due to the lack of real mandate as foreign actors hold more power over the Somali politician-hence foreign actors are pulling the strings due to the aid they bring the country, while the later is as direct result of the former.

Imagine being resident in a house that has many doors and each door’s key is held by someone whom you the resident of one of the rooms do not know their intentions and ambitions for the house.

The similarities are there for Somalia today. There are many so-called stakeholders/partners and international community whom we actually do not know their intentions and ambitions.

One key evident could be the terror incident on 14 October 2017 at Zoobe Mogadishu where over 350 Somali innocent being killed in one day and over 600 wounded. The investigation of that while still continuing it was clear to many Somalis that there were cover up and disagreement between the Somali Federal Government’s and foreign actor’s positions as to where the target was. The foreign actors interference caused the delay and confusion followed by the lack of clarification as whether the target was Halane or Turkish Military base. This is still an outstanding question that needs to be answered.

This incident alone manifests the rock and hard place Somalia is now in and the ever growing foreign actors who now include the Gulf Cooperation Council countries who brought their internal disputes to the shores of Somali politic.

With all these jigsaws in place and Somali politicians who do not have space to make meaningful political manoeuvres, the situation is getting harder and harder for the country. Coupled all these with the real terrorist threat that is constant in nature and continues in succession, which to many Somalis’ intuition also have foreign actors elements into it.

In my recent meeting with senior official from US Embassy in London I argued “countries can and must have interests from each other big or small, what however Somalis are confused if not frustrated with is what for example USA wants from our country” I challenged with the official if you make me understand what USA wants from Somalia I will even by using public relation technique lobby on your behalf so that to make the Somali people accept it and therefore you will reach your goal and you will easily grasp your interest. I said to my meeting partner but if you fail to convince me sitting with you inside the Embassy compound how can you sell your ideas to the average Somali man and women in the streets of Somalia.

This was legitimate question which I would like to ask all foreign actors to clearly tell us their ambitions and intentions so that we will negotiate with them and possibly discuss with them how we could accommodate their interests including natural resource development negotiations-rights verses responsibility, distribution and so on.

Conclusion

In my humble opinion a word of wisdom to the neighboring regional leaders could be; for them to show political maturity and should promote a united, prosperous Somalia that’s a flourishing trading partner and utilize its marine 3300 km or so long coast resources rather than promoting disintegrated and chaotic Somalia policies.

To the other foreign actors I would say; it would have been wise not to dismantle Somalia but rather because of its strategic location and its rich natural resources keep it together and develop its resources so that economic growth will be reality. With growing economy and poverty eradicated through real investment, job creation and utilization of all potential resources the country will adjust itself and thus many of today’s problems including terrorism minimized if not eliminated.

Abdi Musse
E-mail: [email protected]

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Politics of Zero-sum game is an impediment to peace and stability in Somalia

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Sakariya H. Yussuf is a social activist and member of the Global Somali Diaspora
@IamZakariye

Who would have imagined the most strategic country in the world to succumbto violence and state failure for two decades? Whoever were responsible for those catastrophic historical failures are consigned to the dustbin of history. However, it is worth analysing whether their spirit of chaos and instability is still with us through different acts and characters as Somalia attempts to move forward.

When Somali politicians leave their post or resigns, it has become a shameless culture for them to automatically become a poisonous opposition where they give away state secrets, organise political instability and corruption for the sole purpose of inflicting a far-reaching and incalculable damage on the dignity and stability of the Somali nation and people.

This pattern of behaviour has been an impediment to consistent progress for Somalia, creating disunity, suspicion and a picture of a chaotic political environment. Itis as thoughthey were in politics for their personal gains rather to move Somalia forward. The concepts of service and public interest are both missing totally.

The concept of constructive and sensible opposition or criticism has never been in the vocabulary of the opposition and for Somalia to go forward there must be systems of governance and procedures to discourage freeloaders of such kind which are wholly unacceptable and a political liability to Somalia at this critical juncture in its hour of most need.
It has also become apparent that the majority of competent political Somali elites across the world have been discouraged to become agents of social and political change in Somalia by the inherent culture of free-loading opportunism in order to preserve their moral fibre, dignity and professionalism as they see working in Somalia as counter-productive to their ambitions. This leaves a good majority of self-centred opportunists (because they have nothing to lose) to take centre-stage and become an obstacle to peace, development and stability, currently both at home and abroad tirelessly in pursuit of sabotaging the little progress made so far.

Within these spoilersare the states in the Gulf and neighbouring countries which have utilised these political opportunists to destabilise Somalia for their geopolitical and strategic aims in the region. As Somalia is beginning to see a gradual and encouraging recovery, it is as though these countries have made their political priority to derail Somalia, again, with the help of political egotistic self-centred mercenaries/spoilers who have master-minded the art of envy and zero-sum game. These are those that lead in the race to the bottom in every category rather than promote upward national progress.

To improve the political landscape in Somalia, the people, government, civil society and the international community (donors) should be vigilant and take measurable actions against spoilers of peace without fear or favour so that Somalia can develop and rise again in the community of nations.

International conferences for Somalia and donations, UN monitoring reports and political capital are all meaningless without curtailing the source of political turmoil in Somaliawhich are states and individuals who have seen Somalia historically as a playground for their geopolitical and economic games.

Somalia has gone through a period of turbulence and a dark history that claimed the lives of many of its citizens who paid a huge price. To have spoilers of peace steer Somalia backwards is tantamount to international negligence of huge proportion. Staying silent and observing diplomatic protocols will be a hindrance to the relative progress already made, one which will be difficult to reverse back once the damage is done – back to square one.

The Somalia Government is weak, but the spoilers are weaker because they have no real purpose or direction other than been led by their own egos and greed. In the end, spoilers have no place in Somalia’s progress and prosperity and the Somali people have lost any shred of respect for them. It is time international partners realised they represent no one.

Zakariya H. Yussuf is a social activist and member of the Global Somali Diaspora.He can be reached via: [email protected] @IamZakariye 

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